《中國(guó)人的性格》是美國(guó)傳教士阿瑟·史密斯（明恩溥）基于1872年赴華傳教期間的社會(huì)觀察撰寫(xiě)的著作，首版英文名《Chinese Characteristics》于19世紀(jì)末問(wèn)世，。作者在華生活逾五十年，書(shū)中融合人類(lèi)學(xué)視角與傳教士立場(chǎng)，記錄了晚清民眾的性格特征與文化形態(tài)。

全書(shū)以27個(gè)主題章節(jié)剖析中國(guó)人行為模式，包含“保全面子”“省吃儉用”等生活哲學(xué)，以及“漠視精確”“因循守舊”等社會(huì)現(xiàn)象。通過(guò)對(duì)比西方工業(yè)文明，著重探討東方特有的生存韌性，如環(huán)境適應(yīng)力與疼痛耐受性。書(shū)中案例多源自山東鄉(xiāng)村生活經(jīng)歷，涉及衣食住行、孝悌觀念等主題，部分結(jié)論因宗教立場(chǎng)存在視角爭(zhēng)議。該著作開(kāi)創(chuàng)西方研究中國(guó)國(guó)民性先河，被譯成多國(guó)文字，成為近代中西文化互鑒的重要文本。

第十四章 保守自大

與歷史上任何一個(gè)民族相比，中國(guó)人都更確實(shí)地意識(shí)到，已經(jīng)過(guò)去的遠(yuǎn)古時(shí)代，才是他們的黃金時(shí)代。中國(guó)古代的先賢，總是懷著無(wú)比崇敬的口吻，談?wù)撝诺摹肮湃恕薄？追蜃釉硎?，他不是一個(gè)創(chuàng)始人，而是一個(gè)繼承者。他的使命就是把那些曾經(jīng)的知識(shí)，包括長(zhǎng)期被忽略的和被誤解的學(xué)問(wèn)，收集起來(lái)。正是他在完成這項(xiàng)事業(yè)中所表現(xiàn)出來(lái)的執(zhí)著和非凡的才能，使他成為他這個(gè)民族受人尊崇的圣人。正因?yàn)榭鬃用鎸?duì)過(guò)去的態(tài)度以及他的學(xué)說(shuō)品質(zhì)，使得他一直被尊崇為圣賢之首。
按照儒家的道德學(xué)說(shuō)，有好的君主，才有好的百姓，君主是盤(pán)子，百姓是盤(pán)中的水；只有盤(pán)子是圓的，水才是圓的；若盤(pán)子是方的，水也就是方的。根據(jù)這種理論，人們自然會(huì)相信，只有明君統(tǒng)治的時(shí)代，才有美德的盛行，一個(gè)目不識(shí)丁的苦力，有時(shí)候也會(huì)對(duì)我們講起在“堯舜”的時(shí)代夜不閉戶，因?yàn)闆](méi)有盜賊，路上丟失了東西，最早看見(jiàn)失物的人會(huì)守候在那里，并與其他來(lái)人輪流守候，直到失主完好無(wú)損地領(lǐng)回失物。失主總能看到他的物品完好無(wú)損的擱在那兒。我們常常還可以聽(tīng)到這樣的說(shuō)法，就美德與正義而言，現(xiàn)在不如過(guò)去；在顛倒黑白方面而言，過(guò)去不如現(xiàn)在。
這種厚古薄今的傾向，并非只有中國(guó)或中國(guó)人才有，世界各國(guó)各地都同樣有。只是，在中國(guó)這個(gè)天子之國(guó)，這種傾向似乎更為嚴(yán)重。人們相信，古代一切最美好的東西都保留在經(jīng)典的文學(xué)作品中，而今天只是繼承而已。因此，這些文學(xué)作品便被當(dāng)做純粹的偶像。傳統(tǒng)的中國(guó)人視中國(guó)的古典作品大致上相當(dāng)于正統(tǒng)的基督徒視希伯來(lái)語(yǔ)的《圣經(jīng)》一樣。他們認(rèn)為其中囊括了過(guò)去所有的精華、最美的智慧以及從古到今都普遍適用的一切真理。虔誠(chéng)的基督徒根本不相信《圣經(jīng)》還需要增加些什么，而中國(guó)儒家子弟更不相信中國(guó)的經(jīng)典還需要有所增補(bǔ)。基督徒與儒家子弟都認(rèn)為，一切都盡善盡美，還想去謀求更好，那是不可能的。
正像許多虔誠(chéng)的基督徒用《圣經(jīng)》的“經(jīng)文”來(lái)解釋一些《圣經(jīng)》作者從未想過(guò)的事一樣，儒家學(xué)者也有這樣的能力，也經(jīng)常能從“古圣人”那里找到現(xiàn)代政府一切現(xiàn)行政策的依據(jù)，以及古代數(shù)學(xué)乃至現(xiàn)代科學(xué)的源頭。
古代經(jīng)典鑄造了中華民族，也造就了中國(guó)的政府體制。無(wú)論這種政體的質(zhì)地如何，至少它是經(jīng)久耐用的。自我保存是每個(gè)人，同時(shí)也是民族的第一法則。一種統(tǒng)治方式，經(jīng)過(guò)長(zhǎng)時(shí)間的運(yùn)用最后仍然適合，那么這種統(tǒng)治方式就可能被奉為經(jīng)典。這樣一種常見(jiàn)的統(tǒng)治方式就像是那些古代經(jīng)典一樣，也令人肅然起敬。如果某位研究中國(guó)歷史的學(xué)者能夠成功地對(duì)中國(guó)的政體為何形成今天的樣子有清楚的了解并成功地予以解釋?zhuān)@或許將是一樁驚人的發(fā)現(xiàn)。如果這一過(guò)程可以得到揭示，我們想，這樣一個(gè)問(wèn)題就可以得到清晰的答案，即中國(guó)為何很少爆發(fā)那種其他民族所經(jīng)常發(fā)生的席卷全國(guó)的政體革命。
曾有一個(gè)故事，說(shuō)的是一位工匠砌了一堵石墻，墻有六英尺厚，卻只有四英尺高。別人很奇怪他為何要把墻建成這樣，問(wèn)其原因。他回答說(shuō)，這種墻若是被風(fēng)吹倒，反而會(huì)更高！中國(guó)的政府根本不可能被風(fēng)吹翻，因?yàn)樗且粋€(gè)立方體。當(dāng)它翻倒時(shí)，只是換了個(gè)面，無(wú)論是外表還是內(nèi)在本質(zhì)，都與原來(lái)的一個(gè)樣。這種過(guò)程的反復(fù)出現(xiàn)，使中國(guó)人懂得了其結(jié)果肯定是像貓無(wú)論從什么高度落下，都會(huì)四腳著地那樣不會(huì)改變。于是，人們便開(kāi)始相信當(dāng)初設(shè)計(jì)、建造這一切的人具有無(wú)比的智慧，是一個(gè)天才。任何要求改良的建議都成了十足的異端邪說(shuō)。結(jié)果是，古人擁有無(wú)可爭(zhēng)議的權(quán)威，優(yōu)于后人，后人自愧不如地劣于古人。
頭腦里有了這些清楚的認(rèn)識(shí)后，也就不難意識(shí)到，中國(guó)人為什么那么盲目固執(zhí)地遵循過(guò)去的生活方式，其實(shí)是十分有道理的。中國(guó)人和古羅馬人一樣，習(xí)慣與道德是同一回事，因?yàn)樗鼈兺鲆辉?，在?nèi)涵上也是一致的。對(duì)中國(guó)人來(lái)說(shuō)，侵犯他們的風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣就是侵犯了最神圣的領(lǐng)域。他們無(wú)需從最終的意義上理解這些風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣，或者嚴(yán)格地說(shuō)，從細(xì)枝末節(jié)起完全去理解它們。而只要像母熊保護(hù)它們的幼仔一樣，出于本能地堅(jiān)決予以維護(hù)。這種本能不只是中國(guó)人才有，它是人類(lèi)所共有的本性。有一個(gè)值得重視的現(xiàn)象是，那種成千上萬(wàn)的人所樂(lè)意為之獻(xiàn)身的信仰，卻也是一種他們所不了解、也并不以這種教義來(lái)規(guī)范、約束他們生活的信仰。
中國(guó)的風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣，正如中國(guó)的語(yǔ)言一樣，我們并不知道它們是以何種方式形成和發(fā)展的。風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣，如同人的言語(yǔ)，一旦形成，就很難加以改變。然而在中國(guó)，中國(guó)的風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣與語(yǔ)言形成的條件是各不相同的。因此，我們會(huì)看到有各種令人眼花繚亂的風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣，也就是俗話所謂的“十里不同俗”，同樣如此，有些地區(qū)的人也會(huì)講著令人莫名其妙的方言。風(fēng)俗與方言一旦形成并固定下來(lái)，就會(huì)像成形的凝固石膏，你可以打碎它，但無(wú)法改變它。理論上來(lái)講，肯定是這樣。但實(shí)際上，理論也肯定會(huì)與事實(shí)有相當(dāng)大的出入，以適應(yīng)現(xiàn)實(shí)變化。因?yàn)椋瑳](méi)有哪一種風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣真的是永恒不變的，在某種新的條件下，變化總會(huì)悄悄發(fā)生的。
下面的事例最能說(shuō)明問(wèn)題。清政府建政之初，曾在中國(guó)漢人中推行削發(fā)蓄辮的發(fā)型。顯然，改換發(fā)型就意味著俯首稱臣。絕大多數(shù)的人極力反對(duì)這種改變，寧死不從。但滿族人卻堅(jiān)持推行削發(fā)令，并以此作為忠誠(chéng)于皇帝的標(biāo)志。事實(shí)證明，中國(guó)人表現(xiàn)出他們能很好地適應(yīng)這種削發(fā)方式。推行新的削發(fā)方式的結(jié)果，正如我們所看到的，今天的中國(guó)人最引以自豪的莫過(guò)于他們的辮子。當(dāng)年，對(duì)清政府這一做法的仇恨痕跡只是殘存于廣東、福建本地人所用的頭巾上了——當(dāng)年人們用戴頭巾來(lái)遮蓋民族的恥辱。
佛教進(jìn)入中國(guó)也經(jīng)歷過(guò)一番斗爭(zhēng)。而一旦完全扎下根來(lái)，它就像中國(guó)土生土長(zhǎng)的道教，擁有了不可取代的位置。
中國(guó)的風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣從最初形成到今天的樣子，很容易使人得出一個(gè)基本的假定，這就是：現(xiàn)存的就是合理的。一種長(zhǎng)期形成的習(xí)慣就像是一種專(zhuān)制制度。無(wú)數(shù)人遵從習(xí)慣，但沒(méi)有一個(gè)人知道這樣做的緣由。他們的職責(zé)只是臣服，并且他們也臣服了。在中國(guó)的不同地區(qū)，對(duì)宗教的信仰程度也迥然相異，但有一點(diǎn)是可以肯定的，這就是成千上萬(wàn)做過(guò)“三教”所有儀式的人，他們根本不懂什么叫信仰，就像他們不懂埃及象形文字一樣。若是問(wèn)起他們所參加的某一宗教儀式的原因時(shí)，通常只有兩種回答：第一，是認(rèn)為與神靈溝通的各種方式都是從古人那里傳下來(lái)的，肯定自有其牢靠的根據(jù)；第二，是認(rèn)為既然“每個(gè)人”都這么尊崇，那么我也應(yīng)該這么遵從。在中國(guó)，是機(jī)器帶動(dòng)齒輪，而不是齒輪轉(zhuǎn)動(dòng)機(jī)器。如果這種情況始終出現(xiàn)在每一個(gè)地方，那么，就可以說(shuō)人們對(duì)于宗教習(xí)俗的遵從，不過(guò)是一種最為表面化、形式化的舉動(dòng)。
蒙古人有一個(gè)習(xí)慣，每一個(gè)擁有鼻煙的人，就會(huì)和他的朋友分享之。每個(gè)人都帶有一個(gè)小煙盒，遇見(jiàn)朋友的時(shí)候，他就拿出來(lái)給對(duì)方吸煙。如果某個(gè)先生自己盒內(nèi)的鼻煙已經(jīng)吸完，他也還是要把煙盒遞給朋友。他的朋友則假裝著從中捏起一小撮，然后把盒子再送還給主人。如果客人把盒子看成是空的，那就有失“體統(tǒng)”，而假裝在享用鼻煙，則會(huì)保全煙盒主人的“面子”。這一切都是按照既定的慣例。在許多重要的場(chǎng)合下，中國(guó)人也同樣如此。珊瑚蟲(chóng)早已沒(méi)有了生命，可珊瑚礁卻留了下來(lái)，為了避免沉船，行船時(shí)就必須小心翼翼地按照既定的航線航行。
用固定不變的方式按照以往的方式行事，并非為中國(guó)人所特有。印度的苦力習(xí)慣地用頭頂著東西進(jìn)行搬運(yùn)。他們?cè)诮ㄖF路時(shí)運(yùn)土也采用同樣的方法。承包商為他們提供了一些獨(dú)輪車(chē)，苦力們反而把獨(dú)輪車(chē)也頂在頭上。巴西的苦力搬運(yùn)東西的方式也與印度苦力一樣。一位住在巴西的外國(guó)紳士要用人去寄一封信，他驚奇地看著用人把信放在頭頂上，再壓上一塊石頭。思想過(guò)程的僵化導(dǎo)致行為模式的僵化，而這樣的僵化對(duì)于中國(guó)人來(lái)說(shuō)是司空見(jiàn)慣的。我們可以舉出許多我們所熟悉的這種事例。最初教廚師做布丁時(shí)，打開(kāi)第一個(gè)雞蛋，就把它扔掉。后來(lái)，這個(gè)廚師每次做布丁，都把第一個(gè)雞蛋打開(kāi)然后扔掉。事實(shí)上，那次第一個(gè)雞蛋不過(guò)是發(fā)現(xiàn)是一個(gè)壞雞蛋而已。拿一件有補(bǔ)丁的舊衣服給中國(guó)的裁縫照樣子去做一件新衣服。結(jié)果，得到的新衣服上也縫了一塊補(bǔ)丁。說(shuō)這樣的故事并無(wú)意于夸大中國(guó)人的某種特性，但是，它們卻是非常真實(shí)的事實(shí)。
每個(gè)對(duì)中國(guó)的風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣有所了解的人，都能舉出中國(guó)人因循守舊的例子。對(duì)我們來(lái)說(shuō)，中國(guó)人的這種因循守舊的確難以理解。除非我們能對(duì)他們這種行為背后的公式有根本性理解。在南北大約綿延二十五個(gè)緯度的國(guó)家，整個(gè)國(guó)家的人們只按照同一個(gè)歷法，在冬天穿上皮衣，夏天戴上草帽。這毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)地表明，他們的祖先是神靈，能預(yù)知一切，若不是這樣，那才怪呢。在有的地區(qū)，只有到了非常冷的冬天，要依靠燒炕來(lái)取暖。是否燒炕，要在歷法的某一天之后。如果旅行者正巧趕上突如其來(lái)的“寒潮”，常常會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)，他們根本無(wú)法說(shuō)服店主燒上炕，因?yàn)榘凑諝v法，燒炕的季節(jié)還沒(méi)到！
我們都知道，中國(guó)的工匠不愿意采用新工藝，但是就保守程度而言，恐怕沒(méi)有幾個(gè)人能比得上這位外國(guó)人窯廠中的燒磚師傅。他和他的人被一座磚窯雇傭來(lái)燒磚，有一次，需要用到比當(dāng)?shù)厮餍械拇u更大一點(diǎn)的特殊方磚，外國(guó)老板下令燒制這種磚。實(shí)際上，燒這樣的磚，只需要準(zhǔn)備一個(gè)尺寸稍大的木模子就行了?？墒墙Y(jié)果是，需要用磚的時(shí)候，這樣的磚卻沒(méi)燒制出來(lái)。把接受任務(wù)的燒磚師傅叫來(lái)質(zhì)問(wèn)他的失職，他卻表示難以采用任何這樣的創(chuàng)新，還給出了一個(gè)底氣十足的理由是：天底下就沒(méi)有這種模子！
無(wú)論對(duì)中國(guó)這個(gè)泱泱大國(guó)的未來(lái)是否有興趣，每一個(gè)把寶押在中國(guó)的人們，都不可能不看到，中國(guó)人的因循守舊會(huì)影響到外國(guó)人與中國(guó)以及中國(guó)人的關(guān)系。十九世紀(jì)的最后二十五年，似乎注定是中國(guó)歷史上的最為關(guān)鍵的時(shí)期。有大量很新的酒提供給中國(guó)人，但是，中國(guó)人只用各種很舊的酒囊用于裝酒。由于中國(guó)人天生的保守，只有很少的人能夠接受新酒。但即使有人能接受很少的那么點(diǎn)新酒，還需要用舊瓶來(lái)裝。
中國(guó)人目前對(duì)西方各國(guó)的態(tài)度是一種拖延的態(tài)度。一方面，他們對(duì)一切新事務(wù)保持著小小的興趣；另一方面，又根本不想放棄舊的。正像我們看到古老的土屋，本該早就歸還給泥土了，但卻用歪歪扭扭、粗粗糙糙的泥柱子支撐著，拖延著本不可避免的倒塌。已經(jīng)過(guò)時(shí)的舊風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣和舊宗教信仰仍然被支撐著，仍一如既往地履行那些泥柱子的職責(zé)?！芭f的不去，新的不來(lái)?！蔽覀儠r(shí)常耳聞的這句話倒是很有道理的。從舊事物到新事物的變化發(fā)展過(guò)程，可能會(huì)長(zhǎng)時(shí)間受到阻擋，但一定條件下也可能會(huì)突然實(shí)現(xiàn)。
當(dāng)初，把電報(bào)引進(jìn)中國(guó)時(shí)，沿海某省的總督曾上書(shū)稟告皇上說(shuō)，當(dāng)?shù)厝藢?duì)這樁新奇事物抱有很大的敵意，以至于連電線也架設(shè)不起來(lái)。但是，后來(lái)與法國(guó)人開(kāi)戰(zhàn)迫在眉睫時(shí)，不僅架設(shè)電線的性質(zhì)基礎(chǔ)發(fā)生了巨大的變化，省政府迅速建起了許多電報(bào)站。當(dāng)局還發(fā)現(xiàn)，這些電報(bào)站受到了人們普遍的歡迎。
數(shù)年之前，許多人還相信“風(fēng)水”，在中國(guó)修建鐵路幾乎是難以逾越的障礙。最早的鐵路只是很短小的一截，只是在開(kāi)平煤礦的出口處作為運(yùn)煤通道而建的。由于鐵路修筑要經(jīng)過(guò)一大片中國(guó)人的墓地。為了給鐵路讓路，墳?zāi)剐枰徇w，這就像在英國(guó)和法國(guó)的情況是一樣的。只要看一看被一分為二的墓地，就足以讓人們相信，這是一場(chǎng)“風(fēng)水”與蒸汽機(jī)的狹路相逢。然而，風(fēng)水根本不是蒸汽機(jī)的對(duì)手。這條鐵路的延伸后來(lái)被推遲了，但歷史經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明，這首先顯然是由于財(cái)政問(wèn)題才耽擱了，“風(fēng)水”迷信對(duì)其造成的影響是相當(dāng)?shù)挠邢薜摹?br/>在中國(guó)人處理重要的事務(wù)中，可以發(fā)現(xiàn)他們天生的頑固守舊的一面，又會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)他們打破慣例的另一方面。在中國(guó)，有這樣的一個(gè)牢不可破的規(guī)矩，就是守孝道。一個(gè)大臣的父母去世了，他必須離職回家守孝。但是，宰相則不然?；实蹠?huì)不顧他一而再、再而三的“含淚”申訴，堅(jiān)決“奪情”，要他在本該守孝的日子里繼續(xù)盡心盡責(zé)于國(guó)家大事。在中國(guó)，最為根深蒂固的倫理是父為子綱，兒子必須永遠(yuǎn)遵從父親。然而，在最近一次的皇位權(quán)力的變更中，由于皇位由旁系親屬所繼承，而小皇帝的父親仍健在。這樣一來(lái)，小皇帝的父親要么自殺，要么退休，永不參與政事。因此，光緒繼承皇位之日，其父親醇親王就得辭官。醇親王得病，其兒子，就是光緒皇帝，只能以探望下臣的名義多次探望其父親。當(dāng)時(shí)，采取了某種權(quán)宜之計(jì)，因?yàn)檫@位父親一直到去世之日，都是兒子手下重要的官員。
如前所述，頑固保守的本能使得中國(guó)人過(guò)分地強(qiáng)調(diào)先生的重要性。但是正確地理解并謹(jǐn)慎利用中國(guó)人的這一本能，可以使之成為外國(guó)人的重要自保法門(mén)，從而使他們能夠與一個(gè)如此敏感、如此固執(zhí)又如此守舊的民族打交道。外國(guó)人所要做的，只需模仿中國(guó)人的方式，把一切都看作是理所當(dāng)然的，裝著好像那些沒(méi)有明令禁止的權(quán)利是存在的，當(dāng)這些權(quán)利受到攻擊時(shí)，全力為其辯護(hù)，并且想方設(shè)法堅(jiān)持它。因此，在內(nèi)地和其他城市的外國(guó)人的居住權(quán)問(wèn)題，只要像在北京的外國(guó)人一樣明智地采取一種墨守成規(guī)的處理方式，就不會(huì)有什么事，聰明的保守主義就是最安全的防護(hù)。險(xiǎn)惡的暗礁對(duì)于航船，似乎是一種難以逾越的障礙，可一旦穿越它，便可進(jìn)入一片神秘而又平靜的環(huán)礁湖，再也不用擔(dān)心風(fēng)暴和海浪了。

英文原文：

CHAPTER XIV. CONSERVATISM

IT is true of the Chinese, to a greater degree than of any other nation in history, that their Golden Age is in the past. The sages of antiquity themselves spoke with the deepest reverence of more ancient "ancients." Confucius declared that he was not an originator, but a transmitter. It was his mission to gather up what had once been known, but long neglected or misunderstood. It was his painstaking fidelity in accomplishing this task, as well as the high ability which he brought to it, that gave the Master his extraordinary hold upon the people of his race. It is his relation to the past, as much as the quality of what he taught, that constitutes the claim of Confucius to the front rank of holy men. It is the Confucian theory of morals that a good ruler will make a good people. The prince is the dish, the people are the water ; if the dish is round, the water is round, if the dish is square, the water will be square also. Upon this theory, it is not strange that all the virtues are believed to have flourished in the days when model rulers existed. The most ignorant coolie will upon occasion remind us that in the days of Yao and Shun there was no necessity for closing the doors at night, for there were no thieves ; and that if an article was lost on the highway it was the duty of the first comer to stand as a guard over it until the next one happened along, who took his turn until the owner arrived, who always found his property perfectly intact. It is a common saying that the present is inferior to the past in benevolence and justice ; but in violations of conscience the past cannot compete with the present.

This tendency to depreciate the present time is by no means confined to China or to the Chinese, yet in this empire it seems to have attained a sincerity of conviction not elsewhere equalled. All that is best in the ancient days is believed to have survived in the literature to which the present day is the heir, and it is for this reason that this literature is regarded with such idolatry. The orthodox Chinese view of the Classics appears to be much the same as the orthodox Christian view of the Hebrew Scriptures; they are supposed to contain all that is highest and best of the wisdom of the past, and all that is equally adapted to the present time and to the days of old. That anything is needed to supplement the Classics is not believed by a good Confucianist, any more than it would be believed by a good Christian that supplementary additions to the Bible are desirable. When a thing is as good as it can be, it is idle to try to make it better.

Just as many good Christians make some Bible text a pretext for something which the biblical writers never had in mind, so Confucian scholars are able to find in the old masters authority for all modern proceedings, and even the real roots of ancient mathematics and modern science. The literature of antiquity has moulded the Chinese nation, and produced a system of government which has proved its persistence. Since self-preservation is the first law of nations as of individuals, it is not singular that a form of rule so long enduring should be revered. It would be a curious discovery if we could trace the processes by which this government came to be. There have been few interior revolutions in China. The Chinese government is like a cube: when overturned, it falls upon another face, yet remains essentially unchanged. Repeated experience has taught the people this truth, and they believe firmly in the wisdom of their ancient institutions. To suggest improvements is heresy. Hence the deep-rooted adherence to old ways.

To the Chinese, manners and morals are inseparable. An invasion of customs is an invasion of what is most sacred. Customs, like language, once fixed, resist change. Though local dialects and varying customs exist across the realm, old traditions endure. A striking example is the Manchu tonsure imposed upon the Chinese. At first fiercely resisted, over time the queue became a source of national pride, and resentment lingered only in regions where turbans were worn to hide the imposed hairstyle. Buddhism, once fiercely opposed, also became thoroughly assimilated into Chinese life.

In China, long-established usage is followed blindly. Millions observe religious rites with little personal faith, merely because tradition demands it. When asked the reason for a ritual, the common answers are that it was handed down by the ancients, or that everyone follows it. The machinery of tradition moves the people, not the other way around. A Mongolian custom of offering snuff illustrates this well: if the snuff-box is empty, people still pretend to take snuff to preserve etiquette and save face. Many Chinese social practices follow this same pattern— the form remains even when the original spirit is gone.

Blind adherence to precedent is widespread. A cook may copy a spoiled egg from an old recipe into a new pudding simply because the original cook did so. A tailor will patch a new garment because the sample garment had a patch. Such imitation is common across trades and daily life. The whole empire follows a fixed schedule for putting away winter furs and wearing straw hats, regardless of local weather. Innkeepers will refuse to heat the k'ang (brick bed) even during sudden cold snaps if the proper season has not arrived. Artisans resist new methods fiercely. One brick-maker refused to use a new mould, claiming no such tool existed under heaven.

In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, China faced many new ideas and innovations. The nation was forced to confront modern developments with ancient traditions. New wine cannot easily be poured into old wine-skins, and the Chinese have accepted few new ways. China’s attitude toward progress is one of procrastination: there is little desire for the new, and no willingness to abandon the old. Old customs, superstitions and beliefs linger, propped up just as dilapidated mud huts stand for years. As the saying goes, "If the old does not go, the new does not come." Change in China is often long delayed, but may happen suddenly when it arrives.

Telegraphs were once fiercely opposed by local officials who claimed the people would not tolerate them. Yet when war loomed, telegraph lines were quickly erected. Feng-shui (geomancy) was long thought to block railway construction. But when the first railway was built through a cemetery to transport coal, people saw steam power overcome traditional geomantic fears. Superstitions about feng-shui lost much of their power against practical modern needs.

Conflict between ancient rules and practical needs is also visible in official life. For example, the rule that officials must retire to observe mourning for a parent was repeatedly set aside for powerful statesmen when national affairs demanded their service. The hierarchy of father and son, and emperor and subject, is deeply entrenched, yet special arrangements are made when a reigning emperor’s father is still alive. Such compromises show that while tradition is revered, exceptions exist for powerful figures.

China’s conservatism can be an asset for foreigners. By respecting established rights and customs, one can navigate life in the empire safely. Follow precedent, assume existing privileges will be respected, and defend them carefully. This approach has worked for foreign residence rights in Peking and the Chinese interior. The reef of conservatism, once penetrated, becomes a peaceful lagoon for those who understand it.